November 1, 2002
Speech by Joschka Fischer, Minister for Foreign Affairs
of the Federal Republic of Germany
to the Anti-Defamtion League Conference on Global Anti-Semitism
Mr. Tobais, Mr. Foxman, Ladies and Gentlemen:
The murder of six million German and European Jews by the Nazis nearly sixty years ago shook the world to its foundations. This crime against humanity dramatically changed the world - especially Europe. In spite of the lessons that people should have learned from the Holocaust, the phenomenon of anti-Semitism is still widespread around the world. We are confronted with it daily.
Attacks on synagogues, the desecration of gravestones or the painting of swastikas in Europe right through to anti-Semitic hate propaganda in some media in the Middle East and the terrorist attacks of 9111 - anti-Semitism has many ugly faces. Anti-Semitism in whatever guise is worrying in the extreme. Therefore it is good and important that such a qualified organization as the Anti-Defamation League has made global anti-Semitism the focus of its conference. Because anti-Semitism is not just a threat to Jews but represents a general danger to peace, freedom and democracy. Racism is repulsive and politically extremely dangerous.
But how are we to combat anti-Semitism effectively? What strategies promise success?
You have invited me here today to speak about this subject. This is no easy task for a German foreign minister. Given our history, after all, no country bears so much guilt and responsibility for racist anti-Semitism as Germany. The Nazi period marked the end of centuries of flourishing Jewish life and culture in Europe. Through the expulsion and murder of the German Jews by the Nazis, we Germans have forever destroyed a major part of ourselves.
Scientists such as Albert Einstein, literary figures such as Lion Feuchtwanger and directors such as Ernst Lubitsch found their pioneering works scorned and themselves driven into exile. They left behind a gaping void that until today we have not been able to close. I see this particularly in Berlin, the city in which Jews were able to develop their potential to the fullest and liveliest effect. This historical experience also means that we are firmly committed to countering every kind of anti-Semitism, every kind of racism and xenophobia. For this Germany bears a great, historic and moral responsibility, which we must always strive to meet.
The origins and identity of the democratic Germany can only be understood against the background of my country's responsibility for the Holocaust. Remembering this crime against humanity and resulting obligations will continue to determine German policy in the future as well. We will do everything possible to keep the memory of this dark chapter of our past alive so that we can remain watchful. In the coming months the Holocaust memorial will be built next to the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin as a place where this tragic, terrible memory will be set in stone. This monument is for us Germans, for we need to be reminded.
I can and will not hide the fact that anti-Semitic incidents also repeatedly take place in Germany. It troubles me that all Jewish institutions in Germany are still under permanent police protection. But the response of government and the courts to anti-Semitism or even criminal offences with an anti-Semitic background is clear and unambiguous. Never again will we permit even initial signs of excluding and persecuting a section of the population on the grounds of its religion, color or origin. The overwhelming majority of Germans have accepted the lasting historical responsibility for the genocide committed against the German and European Jewry. We will act decisively against anti-Semitism in Germany and know that we must be especially alert.
We also know that the consequences of Hitler's racist anti-Semitism will only be overcome when Germans of Jewish faith in my country can live free from fear and in complete safety. We have unfortunately not yet achieved this goal with respect to safety. An important measure of our ability to become an open and tolerant society are the Jewish communities in Germany. The question of whether German Jews can feel safe and at home in our country is the ultimate test of credibility of our German democracy. It is our "second chance" as the historian Fritz Stern once put it. We are determined to use it.
I am therefore glad that the Jewish communities of Germany have again increased considerably in recent years through immigration. Berlin today has the fastest growing Jewish community in Europe. In many German cities new Jewish schools are being built and seminaries for training rabbis are being established. Given the past tragedy, it is almost a miracle that I can tell you Jewish life in Germany today is vibrant and flourishing. But it also shows that we have already achieved a great deal towards reaching this goal.
I am also pleased about the results of the recent Federal elections in Germany. That won't surprise you, but I am not only glad about the victory of the Red-Green coalition but also, above all, about the fact that extremist, xenophobic, let alone anti-Semitic tendencies did not have a chance with German voters. With a voter turnout of 80 per cent, once again not one far-right party made it into the Bundestag. Moreover anti-Semitic undercurrents in one of the mainstream party's election campaigns resulted in its clear defeat.
Our moral responsibility, however, is not just restricted to German domestic policy. We also have an obligation to do everything possible in the wider world to prevent such catastrophes like that of the Third Reich from ever happening again. This moral responsibility is very clearly reflected in our relationship with the State of Israel. Without any reservation, Germany endorses Israel's right to exist and the right of its citizens to live within secure borders and at peace with their neighbors. This wholehearted commitment to Israel is a key parameter of German foreign policy. It is not negotiable and forms the basis of the special relationship between Germany and Israel. This is a position on which we are very firm in our dealings with states that are hostile to Israel. If they want to negotiate with us, then they must accept this fundamental principle.
Thus we are Israel's most reliable partner after the United States and its most important ally in Europe. No-one in Germany could have even dared dream of this a few decades ago. This "curious friendship", as New York Times correspondent Roger Cohen has described it, is reflected in the multitude of contacts that exist in all walks of life. We are in continuous contact politically, economically and culturally, and our relations are very good, although they are never going to be easy.
Arising from this close relationship is our deep concern about the Middle East peace process. Time and again, ever since its founding, there have been violent attempts to deny Israel its right to exist. Right to the present day, violence and terror are part of daily reality in Israel. At the same time, the history of the State of Israel is almost tragically linked to the fate of the Palestinians. No solution has yet been found that satisfies both peoples.
During my visit to Israel last year I witnessed the appalling terrorist attack on the Dolphinarium discotheque in which so many young people were killed or severely wounded. I will never forget the grief, the horror, and the rage that the terror - so indiscriminate and yet so calculated - triggered in Tel Aviv. Unfortunately, it has been
followed by further devastating attacks, with countless innocent victims.
On the other side, the Palestinians also mourn relatives and friends who were killed. The humanitarian situation in the Palestinian territories is appalling. Many houses in the towns and villages have been destroyed. The closures are strangling all economic life. The Israeli Government is itself aware of this problem.
There must be an end to the terror and violence. We need a political solution that will bring lasting peace to both peoples.
I am convinced that this aim cannot be achieved by confrontation. Rather, everything possible must be done to facilitate the road to peace via the negotiating table. With the Oslo Agreement, the historic handshake in the White House Rose Garden and at Camp David, peace seemed within the grasp of Israel and Palestine. Unfortunately, our hopes were disappointed; violence and terror in the Middle East claim new victims almost every day. The entire region is in danger of becoming increasingly destabilized.
And yet there are many realistic proposals for solutions on the table. The Saudi initiative for normalizing relations with Israel deserves attention. President Bush has described the road to a two-state solution in clear and constructive terms. A Palestinian state must be independent and democratically legitimized from within. This is not a utopia but realistically thought out. l know of no country in the Arab world in which the democratic and civil society potential is greater than it is in the Palestinian territories.
The Quartet of the United States, the European Union, Russia and the United Nations continues to be committed to working towards a peaceful resolution of the conflict. For the first time in years the most important players in the international community are striving together for a common peace plan. I would like to emphasize the close collaboration here between the US and the European Union. In particular, our friends in America have the central role to play in the peace process. Their commitment and responsibility cannot be appreciated highly enough.
In this context, I would like to underline the fact that the development of the partnership between the Federal Republic of Germany and the State of Israel would have been unthinkable without the role of the United States. It was America that helped us more than any other country to be reintegrated into the international community. America's strategic foresight and generosity were decisive factors in the growth of a democratic society in post-war Germany, a society that does not evade questions about its past and which is prepared to learn from it. We are deeply grateful to our American friends for their help. The transatlantic alliance between Berlin and Washington is a valuable asset and also a cornerstone of German foreign policy.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Allow me in conclusion to return once more to Germany. Not long ago we opened the new Jewish Museum in Berlin. It was built by the American Jewish architect Daniel Libeskind. Another prominent American, who was in fact born in Berlin - former U.S. secretary of the treasury Michael Blumenthal - is its Director. The Museum's disjointed architecture vividly illustrates the difficult relationship between Germany and its Jews. On the way through the building, which is at the same time a path through the thousand year-old Jewish history of Germany, the visitor cannot help running into sharp corners and sudden edges. It is an instructive and serious tour. Underpinning the fractured design of the building is an absolutely straight, wide corridor which. Libeskind calls the axis of continuity. This is meant to symbolize the survival of the Jews and Jewish life in spite of centuries of persecution and expulsion. I hope that this axis underpins and supports our joint efforts to combat anti-Semitism and xenophobia and to promote democracy and human rights. For me, it represents a symbol of hope, just like the fact that Daniel Libeskind, who was born in Poland and raised in Israel and the United States, today lives and works in Berlin.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Of one thing you can be sure: Democratic Germany is and will remain your true friend and partner. Thank you.
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